Exegesis

As explained to Peter, I had the silly notion that we were suppose to do not one but both the individual assignments. Thus, after much clarification and limited time left, I had embarked on this duo journey of doing my essay in the blog. The essay question I chose was the first, focusing on the Internet censorship policy in Malaysia and exploring the interesting relationship with its political ideology, mainly Vision 2020.

The blog posts explains the development of my project as well as my thinking process. While the nation's no censorship policy contributes to their political ideology, several legislative laws such as Sedition Act and Internal Security Act does not coincide with the lenient Internet policy. I have also listed an important case study of Raja Petra Kamaruddin who was charged under the Sedition Act and was thrown into detention without trials under the Internal Security Act for further references and support.

What I've realised and learnt from this experience is that, the internet can be seen like a big tree and the links are seen as roots. I can go to another page or another realm with the click of a button. Unlike any of my other assignment, this is my first online blog assignment, and while I found it rather enlightening, it proved to be rather challenging as well. I thought my blog was pretty messy and as much as I tried to state my poins in a blog post. There are still quite confusing for the reader.

I have also listed several links, videos, photos and enlisted a google map on to the blog to demonstrate my DCT skills, which of course, as seen is pretty much amateurish :)

Raja Petra charged with Sedition

"Malaysia Today news portal webmaster Raja Petra Kamaruddin wastoday charged with sedition at the Petaling Jaya Sessions Court over an article which he wrote in his website."

The Case of Raja Petra Kamaruddin (RPK)

In his article, Kwok reports on Malaysia's Press Freedom being at state as "the detention of the author of 'Malaysia Today' is rousing bloggers to fight against government regulation of the internet":

"The Malaysian government's recent crack down on bloggers has increased solidarity among bloggers, says Raja Petra Kemaruddin, a prominent Malaysian political blogger, who was recently interrogated by police for the contents of his site."

"Raja Petra was detained by authorities on Jul. 25 after a police report was filed against him for comments on his blog, Malaysia Today, that allegedly insulted the King and Islam. He was released after eight hours of questioning and without being charged with any crime."

"Raja Petra was previously detained under the ISA on Apr. 11, 2001, and held for 52 days before being released. He told AsiaMedia that the government wants to silence him by using the ISA because he has written several articles in Malaysia Today about corruption among senior ministers. The reports, he said, "have devastated the government greatly and the government doesn't know how to reply to all these allegations," said Raja Petra."

In conclusion, Kwok from AsiaMedia noted that journalism advocacy groups are relatively worried about Malaysia's press freedom with a statement from the Southeast Asian Press Alliance and the Centre for Independent Journalism, 'condemning the use of such draconian laws as alarmingly and grossly disproportionate against Malaysians who are exercising their constitutional and democratic right for freedom expression on topics of high public interest'.

Reference

Kwok, Winghei. (2007). "Bloggers Rally around Raja Petra". AsiaMedia Media News Daily. Los Angeles, CA: UCLA Institute. Retrieved 20 October 2008 from http://www.asiamedia.ucla.edu/article.asp?parentid=75215

Malaysia's 'Sensitive Issues'

After the May 13 1969 race riots between the Chinese and Malays, the Federal Constitution was revised to allow the designation of sensitive issues, on which "public criticism of government policy is prohibited" (Brown, Ali & Muda 2004). The issues included:

• The power and status of the Malays Rulers (i.e. the constitutional State monachs);
• Citizenship rights of non-Malays;
• Malay 'special rights' and privileges;
• The status of Islam as the official religion; and
  
• The status of bahasa Melayu (Malay) as the sole national language

The powers of Sedition Act and Internal Security act were mandated by these amendments.

Reference

Brown, G.K., Ali, S.H. & Muda, W.M.W (2004) Policy Levers in Malaysia, Centre for Resarch on Inequality, Human Security and Ethnicity, CRISE Policy Context Paper 4

_________________________________

Analysis:

With the open information policy of the Internet, it contradicts with Malaysia's 'sensitive issues' which violates human rights movements once the Internal Security Act (ISA) gets involved and has the right to detain without trial.

Is it safe to say the while the Internet's no censorship policy helps achieve our goal of Vision 2020 but it doesn't coincide with the policy levers developed and revised for Malaysia?

Legislative Controls & The Rise of the Internet

Brown 2005: Legislative controls over the media structure:

1. Printing Presses and Publication Act
a. The Operation Lalang Crackdown in 1997 saw the capture of over a hundred political and social activists.
b. The Printing Presses and Publication Act suspended and closed down four national newspapers.
c. Generally used as a censorship regime for both print and broadcast media
2. Official Secrets Act, Sedition Act and Internal Security Act – “relics of colonial administration”
a. Official Secrets Act “was tightened in 1986 to cover all government documents unless specifically declassified, and made illegal the circulation or publication for such documents
b. Sedition Act “contains a very vague definition”
c. Internal Security Act defeats the purpose of human rights and “allows for effectively limitless detention without trial”

_______________________________________

Brown (2005) also saw the rise of the Internet had demonstrated more challenging. As noted before, Mahathir originally accepted it as a part of an information technology (ICT) revolution that “would provide the driving force for economic growth, and to see Malaysia take its place amongst the industrialized nations, a fundamental goal of Mahathir’s developmentalist Vision 2020”.

The regime was undoubtedly concerned over the potential of the Internet as a subversve medium, but was also keen to gain the economic advantages of an open-door policy to ICT, particularly seeking competitive advantage over Singapore, which had already implemented stringent Internet controls.

The Rise of the Internet as a Political Medium

The reformasi movement that erupted in 1998 onto the political arena, confirmed the regime’s worst fears regarding the Internet:

In the aftermath of Anwar's sacking, the Internet as a political medium and as the medium of reformasi became virtually synonymous. During the inchoate period of secret protests in October to December 1998, the Internet formed a key medium for communication between Anwar's supports and the broader public.

After the movement was subsided, Malaysiakini emerged and was created in 1999 as "Malaysia's first commercial Internet newspaper" (Brown 2005).

Reference

Brown, G. (2005). The rough and rosy road: Sites of contestation in Malaysia's shackled media industry. Pacific Affairs, 78(1): 39-56

Internet Revolution: Political Implications

McDaniel (2002) also states the political implications after the introduction of the no censorship policy:

“One interesting result of Malaysia’s information policies-censoring what is broadcast and printed but not Internet content-has been a dramatic rise in the population of online news papers. First to benefit was PAS, the Islamic opposition party and publisher of an opposition newsletter, Harakah, which frequently covered stories that mainstream newspaper would not. By enforcing rules, the government had driven the printed newsletter out of wide circulation but in response, Harakah built an online version that flourished until the publication’s editor Zulkifli Sulong and the newspaper’s printer Chea Lim Thye were arrested and charged with sedition.

Even more surprising has been the experience of Malaysiakini, an online newspaper that has no print version. Started with a grant supplied by the Southeast Asian Press Alliance, this online newspaper says it intends to ‘push the boundaries of free speech and press freedom in Malaysia by providing credible and up-to-date news and analysis.’ Working with a staff of only 13, the web site claims daily hits of around 100,000. But on days when there is breaking news, readership can rise as high as 400,000. These figures are similar to ones posted by the major print newspapers, a remarkable result in a country where less than one-third of the population has Internet access.”

To understand the impact of the Internet, we should explore the political discourse of the government. Thus, I will look into Malaysiakini and the case of Raja Petra Kamaruddin (RPK).

Reference
McDaniel, D. (200) Southeast Asia’s electronically charged media revolution, Nieman Reports, 56,2; Research Library pp. 63

Multimedia Super Corridor

McDaniel explains how media technology affects government and the press. In the case study of Malaysia, during the IT boom, McDaniel notes that “the more technologically advanced countries in Southeast Asia launched expansive projects aimed at developing regional technology leadership, fashioning their nations as hubs for new information media.” It was at that time; Dr. Mahathir embarked and used the Multimedia Super Corridor (MSC) project as a stepping-stone towards achieving Vision 2020. Authorities even hoped that this extensive plan would mimic the success of California’s Silicon Valley by producing intellectual property in Cyberjaya in Malaysia (McDaniel 2002).

(google map created and saved under Multimedia Super Corridor)

Unfortunately, there was insufficient modal in Malaysia for these expansive projects; it was crucial to gain support from foreign investment. Dr. Mahathir proposed involvement in the MSC to numerous U.S firms in 1995. Having been a “frequent critic to Westerns news of his country and of Western cultural products such as films and television programs”, Mahathir faced instant rejection (McDanial 2002).

As written in the post before:

Wong (2004) noted that Mahathir felt that globalization was a threat to Malaysia’s national identity as he called on “Malaysians to be 'suspicious' of and 'beware' globalisation”.

With that, Mahathir understood that the only way to place Malaysia, as a “regional hub” would have to offer reassurance to prospective investors that MSC would become “a zone of open and free information access”(McDaniel 2002). Additionally, Azmi (2003) states in Content Regulation in Malaysia:

This assurance was embodied in section 3 (3) of the Communication and Multimedia Act 1998 that states “nothing in this Act shall be construed as permitting the censorship of the Internet.

References

Azmi, I. M. (2003). Content Regulation in Malaysia – Unleashing Missiles on Dangerous Websites, 18th BILETA Conference: Controlling Information in the Online Environment, viewed 6th July 2009

McDaniel, D. (200) Southeast Asia’s electronically charged media revolution, Nieman Reports, 56,2; Research Library pp. 63

is Malaysia mimicking the West?

After the Cold War in the midst of rising Western dominance and influences in global politics, the resistance against Western influences by Asian nations became both concentrated and widespread. Korff argued that Malaysia presented prominent traits of “ambivalence bordering contradiction” in its engagements with the process of globalisation and modernization through Malaysian architectures with notions of “mimicking of the West” (2001).

However, in terms of media discourses, Malaysia is far from a Western imitation. According to Press Freedom, the media in Malaysia is not free from Western style liberal press system– “traditionally constrained by significant legal restrictions and intimidation” (2007). Thus, in my research paper, using relevant theoretical approaches and cultural and political discourses, I will examine Malaysia as a case study to argue that the notion of Asian values is a way to overcome the libertarianism perspective as a universal model.

For Malaysia’s former Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad, the process of globalization brings about the definition of “Westernisation and the acceptance of Western business standards and political systems around the world”(Wong, 2004). Wong also noted that Mahathir felt that globalization was a threat to Malaysia’s national identity as he called on “Malaysians to be 'suspicious' of and 'beware' globalisation”. Nevertheless, Mahathir’s reaction toward globalization cannot be seen as a rejection but rather a “more selective engagement” with the process itself (2004).

Reference

Korff, R. (2001). Globalisation and Communal Identities in the Plural Society of Malaysia. Singapore Journal of Tropical Geography, 22(3) (pp. 270-283).

Freedom House. (2007). Map of Press Freedom: Malaysia. Freedom House. Retrieved October 9, 2008, from http://www.freedomhouse.org/template.cfm?page=251&year=2007

Wong, L. (2004). Mahathir, Malaysia and Globalisation: Challenging Orthodoxy. Globalization (2004). Retrieved October 9, 2008, from http://globalization.icaap.org/content/v4.2/wong.html

Vission 2020

The former Prime Minister of Malaysia, Dr Mahathir Mohamad had a vision during his leadership from 1981 to the recent 2003, his goal of “unifying the multi-ethnic, multilingual, and religiously plural nation in Southeast Asia and become a fully developed nation by the year 2020” (Lockwood 2003; Furlow 2009). He named the national plan Vision 2020, a “project aimed at reconstructing Malaysian economy, society and identity” (Furlow 2009).

Dr. Mahathir presented Working Paper - The Way Forward at the Malaysian Business Council and this is the actual text he brought about (Wawasan 2020, 2008). He listed nine challenges faced in order to achieve Vision 2020 and the sixth challenge proposed:

The sixth is the challenge of establishing a scientific and progressive society, a society that is innovative and forward-looking, one that is not only a consumer of technology but also a contributor to the scientific and technological civilisation of the future.

With regards to that, Vision 2020 can be seen as Malaysia's main political ideology to achieving a more development country, be it politically, economical and socially. When Dr. Mahathir officially launched Multimedia Super Corridor (MSC) in 1996, Xue noted that it became "the main vehicle to achieving Vision 2020" (2005).

From that, we can understand that, Malaysia's no censorship policy actually contributes to its political ideology. Thus, I will further explore about Multimedia Super Corridor.

References

Furlow, C. A. (2009) Malaysian Modernitities: Cultural Politics and the Consrtuction of Muslim Technoscientific Identities, Antropological Quarterly, Vol. 82, No. 1, pp. 197-228

Lockwood, C. (2003), The Changing of the Guard: A survey of Malaysia, The Economist 367 (8318) pp 1-16

Wawasan 2020 (2008) The Way Forward - Vision 2020, Rakyat Jaya Sdn Bhd, viewed 12 June 2009

Xue, S (2005) Internet, policy and diffusion in China, Malaysia and Singapore, Jounal of Information Science, 31 (3) pp238-250

Asian Value Thesis

(McDaniel 2002)

• Argues that Asian cultures differs from Western culture and “countries across the continent share a common set of values”
• support public ‘protection’ against objectionable matters through censorship
• limiting access to information can be seen as a legal role of governments as it is congruent with cultural values distinct to Asia

The term “Asian values” can be used in the political discourse to explain the distinctions between Asia and the West in concepts and practices of human rights, democracy and freedom. Asian values were advocate and promoted to defend their own political systems and practices (Xu, 2005).

With that, Malaysia’s former Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad employed it to challenge Western ideological dominance, to defend their policies and to back up their authoritarian rule. Mahathir applied communitarian principles and discipline in running Malaysia, the cornerstone of Asian values as safeguards against perceived threats to Asian cultural identities and diversity from the domination of Western cultures and values (Mahathir, 1999, Xu 2005). In his interpretation, Asian values refer to community and family orientation, respect for authority, and emphasis on responsibility over individual privileges. His definition also includes emphasis on community rights over individual rights and emphasis on social responsibility of the press over press freedom (1999, Xu 2005).

A look into the relationship between Asian values and democracy, the dynamic economic growth in Asia has made some Asian countries form their own perspective on democracy. On that note, Merill’s intertwined expressions of ‘free press’ and ‘democracy’ is accompanied with the notion that “the press is essential to creating democracy is the assumption that democracy is good for a country and its citizens” (2000, Xu 2005).

Mahathir (1999, Xu 2005) argued, “in Asia it has been and will continue to be, the good of many rather than the selfishness of the few or individual that is treasured. That is the way democracy has developed in many Asian countries and I believe this is going to be the Asian forms of democracy for the future as well”. Malaysia, like most Asian countries have attributed their dynamic economic growth to their traditional values, as they believe their adherence to their traditional values will lead to greater success in the future (Xu, 2005). Thus, some Asian governments have taken greater efforts to maintain aspects of their traditional values, cultural distinctiveness and national identities.

In Malaysia, where economic growth is uneven and political and social systems are unstable, the required role of the news media, especially those under the control of the government, is aid the government in nation building and economic building. Mahathir (1989, Xu 2005) prescribes the role of the press “in ensuring good democratic practices, and hence sustaining democracy itself”. He also noted “a responsible democratic government must regard a free pass as an asset which facilitate good government. The press is also expected to play the role of an educator “since the growth of human societies is so rapid and complex,” and it needs to educate itself due to vast reach and great power. In addition to providing information, entertainment and surveillance, the press in Malaysia is also expected to play the integrative role in building national integration among the diverse ethnic group.

________________

However, the underlying question is, are Asian values similar to political beliefs? Approaching the topic of censorship by understanding the political beliefs of Malaysia, does the no censorship policy adopted for the Internet challenges or contributes to Malaysia’s political ideology?

______________________________________________

Reference

McDaniel, D. (2002) Southeast Asia’s electronically charged media revolution, Nieman Reports, 56,2; Research Library pp. 63

Xu, X. (2005) Demystifying Asian Values in Journalism, Marshall Cavendish International (Singapore) Private Limit

article 19

taken from http://www.article19.org/advocacy/index.html

It says the Article 19 supports victims of censorship

"ARTICLE 19 draws international and local attention to repressive regimes and victims of censorship, including journalists, political leaders, activists, artists, as well as ordinary men, women and children."

internet freedom at stake?

"It is also the case that Malaysians have grown bolder since the March elections. Having failed to get two-thirds majority in parliament, the ruling coalition may find it a challenge to pass a bill or amend the federal constitution. Emboldened, bloggers have been expressing their anti-government views online. For example, blogger Bakaq, aka Penarik Beca, recently spoke up against the police, and is now being investigated for sedition. Another blogger, Sheih, aka kickdefella, expressed indignation at the loss of jobs due to a new ruling regarding petrol kiosks, requesting other bloggers to post the Malaysian flag upside down as a sign of distress. He too is now being investigated for sedition. Of course, blogger and news site editor of Malaysia Today, Raja Petra Kamarudin (or RPK), is subject not only to sedition charges, but also to several defamation suits. His news portal was also recently blocked by the Malaysian Communications and Multimedia Commission (MCMC), although this decision was subsequently found to have breached Malaysian law, and the site was reinstated last week."

Chandranayagam, D (2008), Malaysia: Would watchdog free web? Index on Cencorship. view 14 June 2009 <http://www.indexoncensorship.org/2008/09/malaysia-watchdog-would-free-web/>

commentary

These are some funny commentary comic images I found when i googled Internet Censorship:



credits to http://dearkitty.blogsome.com/2007/05/26/

is Malaysia a democratic country?

In his article, Gomez (2004) noted a very important point: “The expansion of freedom of expression and the decline of censorship has often been associated with the movement towards democracy”. Gomez expresses that the laws and regulation of government media control in the region historically derived from colonial regimes and with regards to political content, this authoritative form of regulation has been the constant trait.

The containment of freedom of expression has involved the use of legislation to restrict access, the proscription of content, the exercise of influence through ownership and the inducement of self-censorship.

During the early 1900s, the emergence of the internet in Asia increased the chances that public discourse could occur without the intervention of licensing authorities, agenda-setting and gate-keeping of the mass media. With the Internet, individuals around the globe could overcome geographical and political barriers without constraint. As a result, traditional media censorship played an insignificant impact on the Internet’s vast potential. This is particularly because of the Internet's unique and advanced characteristics which disallows constraints and tracking.

Gomez (2004) raise an challenging question when he states,

"The crucial ingredients for establishing a functioning democracy are an active citizenry, a vibrant civil society and a state that enables access to information, privacy, human and civil rights.”

Is Malaysia a democratic country? Does that conflict with its political ideology? In the case of Malaysia, the no censorship policy for the Internet which allows unrestrained and boundless access of Internet, shows that Malaysia is in fact a democratic country. However, this form of democracy and freedom of expression on the web, does it coincides with its political beliefs and culture values?

_______________________________________________________________

Gomez, J. (2004) Dumbing down democracy: Trends in internet regulation, surveillance and control in Asia, Pacific Journalism Review, 10(2) pp. 130-150

Dr. M's blog

http://chedet.co.cc/chedetblog/

Might be absolutely irrelevant to the course and assessment but I found it undeniably inspiring. I grew up in the times Dr. Mahathir was soaring above with the nation's increasing economic and social development, but obviously, at that time, I was too naive to understand the significance of it all.

Presently, looking at Malaysia with an outsider's perspective, I feel that we owe Mahathir and Malaysia so much more for all that what's happening now back home.

Anyways, the blog revolves around Dr. M's interesting political and financial views. A good read if you want to be in the mind a Malaysian PM for a day.

former PM's take on internet censorship

Dr. Mahathir Mohamed, former PM of Malaysia, speaks his view on Internet censorship in Malaysia and how he feels that he's made a mistake regarding the no-censorship policy now.

Challenge or Contribution?

Reading from all the research journals i've compiled so far, i've confirmed that there is a no censorship policy for the Internet in Malaysia. In my case study. the mainstream media platforms in Malaysia, i.e print and broadcast media has a strict governmental control and ownership. However, when it comes to the Internet, Mahathir assured his people and foreign investors, there will no be a censorship policy.

This in fact contradicts with Malaysia's political ideology. As a Malaysian myself, growing up in Malaysia, there were several policies and beliefs. Despite, i need to find the definition of the term 'political ideology' to find the correlation between the Internet censorship discourse manangement and Malaysia's political ideology.

I will not be touching on the censorship discorse for other media platforms because i would have to talk about the print press law and sedition act in Malaysia which would take up too much of the word limit. Thus, i'll focus primarily on the Internet and Malaysia's censorship discourse.

censorship on the cyberspace

Multimedia Super Corrider 1995
- no censorship on the internet
- embodied in section 3 (3) of the Communication and Multimedia Act 1998
- states “nothing in this Act shall be construed as permitting the censorship of the Internet”

However, the open and democratic nature of the internet facilitates all kinds of abuses. Obscenity,hatred speech, defamatory messages, indecent content and other type of harmful contents flourish in the Internet.

- Malaysian style of self regulation
- "Responsibility of the content therefore lies primarily with the creator of the content"
- The Content Code - a model of self regulation among industry

Azmi, I. M. (2003) Content Regulation in Malaysia - Unleashing Missiles on Dangerous Websites, 18th BILETA Conference: Controlling Information in the online Environment, viewed 7th July 2009

the internet and alternative media in Malaysia

Annotated Bibliography of case studies found:

• Brown, G. (2005). The rough and rosy road: Sites of contestation in Malaysia's shackled media industry. Pacific Affairs, 78(1): 39-56

Brown addresses thee subject of media control in Malaysia under Barisan National (BN - National Front) regime, the coalition of ethnically-based political parties that has ruled the country since independence. Approaching the topic with a non-liberal approach, it focuses on counter trends within the media, areas of negotiation and dispute both within and beyond the BN regime.

• Holmes, L. & Grieco, M. (2001) The internet, email and the Malaysia Political Crisis: The Power of Transparency. Asia Pacific Business Review, 8, 59-72

asian cyberculture individual essay

Question A:

Discuss with examples the censorship and/or discourse management approach of a particular Asian country with relation to its political ideology. Cultural practices, societal sensitivities and economic challenges are some of the issues that can be examined.

Asian country of interest: Malaysia

A) Essay body:

1) Malaysia's political ideology - Vision 2020: restructuring the nation's political, economical and social conditions, Islam as a guiding religion to the nation's structuring and the process of modernisation and globalisation as a guiding force.

2) Media outlets explored - Internet, print media, broadcast media

3) Examples of censorship and discourse management approach - Malaysia Film Cencorship board

4) Issues examined - Cultural practices, societal sensitivities and economic challenge

B) Understanding of DCTs: www.s3201871.blogspot.com and google map which will be constructed after the essay is done